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The Real War is Not on Television

by Michael R. Barnes
 

The primary conflict is not the war in Iraq, but the more global confrontation which will decide, whether America will lead the world into a time of peace or follow it into a time of war.

The American Awakening

In the last two weeks, the long-sheltered American public has discovered that the United States was at war. They have also discovered that in a war, troops are killed, wounded, taken prisoner, executed, and are missing in action.

Our citizens further learned that civilians, in large numbers, young and old, are caught, (or are forced) between the military forces and are also wounded, killed or missing. Americans also learned that enemy soldiers can, at a given time, fight, win to some degree and show both some skill and individual bravery.

At the same time, Americans, discovered that the enemy is willing to use women and children as shields, kill their own civilians, who refuse to take up arms, fight alternately in uniforms and civilian clothes, wave white flags to fake surrenders in order to ambush Coalition forces, and drive civilian automobiles carrying explosives to kill soldiers at road checkpoints.

Americans are beginning to grasp that war is not a video game to play for the moment and then turn off. Nor is war a movie, serialized, from beginning to end like “The Godfather,” into, three or four, segments.

Welcome to the truths which warriors have known since before the Spartans and the Persians at Thermopylae, circa 480 B.C.

The American Clock and the War

It’s not about the clock! The realization that the war in Iraq would not be over in a day or two recently sent much of the media into a negative hysteria. That shows you how little the media really knows about war. War goes at a schedule determined by the mission, the enemy, the terrain, troops available, logistics, and the weather, to name only a few variables. It does not progress on the time schedule predicted by a politician or commentator who thinks a war should be over in a week or a month.

Let’s compare the length of two recent conflicts. Desert Storm, which was about as close to the "perfect" campaign as you can get, lasted six weeks. The Yugoslav operation into Kosovo, which was far from a perfect campaign by any measure, took over two months to complete. It only ended, as soon as it did, because the Russians convinced the Serb leadership that capitulation was better than resistance.

A more appropriate time measure for this war could be Desert Storm and Kosovo, except that Iraq is substantially larger than either Kuwait or Kosovo and the defenders in places appear somewhat more motivated. This is likely to be a war of many weeks or months. It is perplexing why the criteria for a “successful war” has been set in days.

Think about it. Before I reminded you, did you recall or even ever know how long Desert Storm or the action in Kosovo lasted? It’s not about the clock. Stop checking your watch.

It’s about the result. Few remember the time. Everyone remembers who won.

The American Media

The television media has brought the war into our dens and living rooms, enabling each of us to imagine that we are qualified to be an armchair commander. We are provided a host of maps, videos, still photos and “talking heads.” We are overrun with military experts and analysts. Some good - some not. Two of the more qualified, whom you may have seen, on CNN, is Major General David Grange, now retired, with whom the author served, years ago, in the Army’s 1st Ranger Battalion.

Apparently, most of the American public doesn’t realize that they are seeing the war, through the limited camera lenses and inexperienced eyes of reporters, not trained soldiers, airmen and marines. Watching war on TV is not really like being there. No smells, no death, no blood, no sweat. Sanitized. Like our American way of life.

To better understand how little you see, the next time you finish a roll of toilet paper, save the tube. Shut one eye and look through the tube with the other. Walk around. Look at things hundreds of yards away. Try it at night. Get the picture? No?

Actually, you don’t get the picture. That’s the point. Throw away the tube, open both eyes, get close to what you were looking at. See the difference? Now you understand how much war you don’t see. Several other things may not be readily apparent, unless, we realize what else we are not seeing.

Although there are some exceptions, few correspondents try to go or are allowed to go into a serious firefight. Think about what you have routinely seen on television. You’ve seen the “after-action” report. “Hearsay,” if you will, far from the actual fight.

Doesn’t it make sense that the very same “fierce fight” described by a reporter, may be described as a routine engagement by the experienced warrior? After all, it’s not always a “fierce fight” if the Americans are doing most of the shooting and there is little incoming fire from the enemy. Is it loud? Yes. Overwhelming to the senses of the uninitiated journalist? Sure.
Try to imagine both simultaneous tank, mortar and artillery fire. At the same time you may have both air cover with strikes from both “fast-movers” and helicopters. It still may not be a “fierce fight.” It may be a one-sided fight, fierce only in the amount of firepower the American forces can apply.

We used to call that the “combined arms team.” It means being able to “move, shoot, and communicate, better than the enemy.” It’s how wars are won. The professional soldier understands these things, the professional journalist does not.

Unlike the average journalist, the professional American military leader has been raised and guided by the concepts of Duty, Honor, and Country. The media has been guided by ratings, sensationalism and advertising dollars. Which one is more worthy of belief?

Teddy Roosevelt, another warrior, supplies the correct answer, “It is not the critic who counts . . . the credit belongs to the man who is actually in the arena, whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood . . . .”

The American Warrior

As tough as it is for an for me to admit, the military of today is certainly better trained, better equipped and more able than the military was in my active service. The weapons are certainly better and more lethal. Much of the training is harder and better. Both male and female service members are in better shape physically. Comparatively, they are better educated. Individual protective gear is provided to every soldier. By comparison, in my early days, our body armor was called “jungle fatigues.” The military has also changed, for the worse, in some respects.

Back in 1991, when American troops last faced down Saddam Hussein, the Army had 711,000 active-duty troops. Today it has 487,000--a 32% drop. Cuts in the number of Navy and Air Force personnel have been just as steep. The Marine Corps has been more stable dropping only about 10% in the past decade.

If you hear concerns about the American military’s capability or track record, you might suggest that the speaker look at the results of the two World Wars, and Korea. More recently, they might consider the results of Desert Storm in the early 90s or Afghanistan last year.
What about Vietnam, you say? Well, that hits a nerve with me, but I’ll tell you this. We didn’t lose it where my Airborne unit fought or where virtually every single major battle, fought by my brother units, took place.

We gave away the Vietnam War primarily in the media and on the liberal college campuses. We ought to have learned from that mistake. It appears that some number of mis-guided, pusillanimous, moral-weaklings, would have that happen again. The rogue state dictators and terrorists don’t hate or fear us because we’re weak. They hate and fear us because we are, by far, the strongest military country in the world.

They know they can’t defeat us on the field of battle, but they do think they can make us defeat ourselves - like we did in Vietnam and Mogadishu, where a previous President pulled out the troops after Ranger and Delta Force took casualties in the “Blackhawk Down” incident. Given this, let’s look at what Saddam and his advisers may well have thought and why.

The Iraqi Regime

Saddam can lose land. It’s mostly desert. He can lose people. The Kurds in the north and the Shiites in the south, don’t like him or want him anyway. It’s about preserving Saddam’s power base, his military, meaning his regime.

It is important to understand that even Saddam and his most optimistic advisers never thought they could win a war with the United States. We proved that in Desert Storm. Why would Saddam fight another one, then, you say?

For Saddam, it was about making the best of two bad choices. Saddam clearly believed that either to give U.S. led inspectors complete access or to willingly surrender, for example by going into exile, was to certainly lose his power and his control over the regime. In that event, the chance of his regime’s survival was zero.

By comparison, if Saddam went to war, he had a better than zero chance, that the combination of media, Muslims, Arabs, propaganda, the French and German investments in Iraq, and the various anti-war protests could cause America to surrender the military victory it would certainly otherwise win.

Additionally, if Saddam can survive, as the leader of his regime, he can then posture as having beaten America. He will correctly claim that conflict, terrorism and the threat or use of weapons of mass destruction, is the way to defeat America. And it will be. But only if we do it to ourselves. Saddam cannot do it to us.

America’s Leadership Role

Since the Security Council and the majority of the international community refused to back us, what are our options? Must we allow ourselves to be dictated to on matters of critical national interest by third-rate rabble? The answer must be a resounding “No!” Not just because we are being willful, but because we have a special role, a special place in the world today, and therefore a special responsibility.

As Charles Krauthammer, winner of the 1987 Pulitzer Prize for distinguished commentary, observed, “We tend not to see or understand the historical uniqueness of this situation. Even at its height, Britain could always be seriously challenged by the next greatest powers. It had a smaller army than the land power of Europe, and its navy was equaled by the next two navies combined.”

He continued, “ Today, the American military exceeds in spending the next twenty countries combined. Its Navy, Air Force and space power are unrivaled. Its dominance extends as well to every other aspect of international life - not only military, but economic, technological, diplomatic, cultural, even linguistic, with a myriad of countries trying to fend off the inexorable march of MTV English.”

We likely have never faced a greater threat than we do today. The weapons of mass destruction provide the rogue state or terrorist, willing to use them, previously unimaginable power. Remember 911? Terrorist organizations, and rogue states like Iraq, have demonstrated that they have and will target America. Wait for it and worry or take action and preempt it?
The decision before us, is a decision between being a casualty or a survivor. Between action and inaction. Now is the time for action. It is the time for leadership on the world stage -- not for being elbowed into the cheap seats in the balcony. I for one, do not wish to be, under the thumb of the leadership, which I see in Iraq, Iran, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Libya, Lebanon, China, what is left of the Soviet Union, or numerous other countries I could name.

The choice between those countries and our American government and American way of life, is not difficult. The fact that some try to even make it a choice signifies the degree of decay of our national fortitude. Those governments are not even close to an acceptable example of the world in which most Americans want their family to live. Many were and are willing to fight for a better and safer future for our children.

To build on the remarks of Secretary of State Colin Powell, both a diplomat and a warrior, the present conflict is not about oil or American expansionism. Historically, we have not sought the land of others, except for enough of it to bury the Americans who loved freedom enough to give their lives, on foreign soil, to secure that freedom for others.

In every conflict, where we have fought a war to the finish, we have left the country better off when we came than when we arrived. No shame or apology is necessary for what America has done, for the world in the past, nor what we are doing for it now.

As citizens, we should display, at least, the moral courage of our warriors. As Americans, we need to be dedicated to finishing this fight – no matter what and no matter how long it takes. The benefit to the world will be greater than any cost to America.

Editor’s Note: Mr. Barnes is a lawyer in Key West, Florida. His military perspective, on recent events in Iraq, may have more credence than you would expect. During Mr. Barnes’ Vietnam military service, he led a rifle platoon, in combat, in the same 173rd Airborne Brigade that recently parachuted into northern Iraq. He was wounded three times. He was awarded the Silver Star. Later, in Europe, for some 22 months, he commanded a mechanized infantry company in the same 3rd Infantry Division, which has been the primary American Division leading the advance into Iraq.

 

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